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Offering the first in-depth analysis of the relationship between
populism and political meritocracy, this book asks why states with
meritocratic systems such as Singapore and China have not faced the
populist challenge to the extent that liberal-democratic states
have. Is political meritocracy immune to populism? Or does it fan
its flames? Exploring this puzzle, the authors argue that political
meritocracies are simultaneously immune and susceptible to
populism. The book maintains that political meritocracy's focus on
the intellect, social skills, and most importantly virtue of
political leaders can reduce the likelihood of populist actors
rising to power; that meritocracy's promise of upward mobility for
the masses can work against elitism; and that rule by the
'meritorious' can help avoid crises, diminishing the political
opening for populism. However, it also shows that meritocracy does
little to eliminate grievances around political, cultural, and
social inequality, instead entrenching a hierarchy - an allegedly
'just' one. The book ultimately argues that the more established
the system of political meritocracy becomes, the more it opens the
door to populist resentment and revolt. Pitched primarily to
scholars and postgraduate students in political theory, comparative
politics, Asian studies, and political sociology, this book fills
an important scholarly gap.
While local governments have traditionally been thought relatively
powerless and unpolitical, this has been rapidly changing. Recent
years have seen local governments jump headfirst into a range of
so-called culture war conflicts like those concerning LGBTI rights,
refugee protection, and climate change. Using the Australia Day and
Columbus Day controversies as case studies, this Element
rejuvenates research on how local governments respond to culture
war conflicts, documenting new fronts in the culture wars as well
as the changing face of local government. In doing this, this
Element extends foundational research by advancing four new
categories of responsiveness that scholars and practitioners can
employ to better understand the varied roles local governments play
in contentious culture war conflicts.
Offering the first in-depth analysis of the relationship between
populism and political meritocracy, this book asks why states with
meritocratic systems such as Singapore and China have not faced the
populist challenge to the extent that liberal-democratic states
have. Is political meritocracy immune to populism? Or does it fan
its flames? Exploring this puzzle, the authors argue that political
meritocracies are simultaneously immune and susceptible to
populism. The book maintains that political meritocracy's focus on
the intellect, social skills, and most importantly virtue of
political leaders can reduce the likelihood of populist actors
rising to power; that meritocracy's promise of upward mobility for
the masses can work against elitism; and that rule by the
'meritorious' can help avoid crises, diminishing the political
opening for populism. However, it also shows that meritocracy does
little to eliminate grievances around political, cultural, and
social inequality, instead entrenching a hierarchy - an allegedly
'just' one. The book ultimately argues that the more established
the system of political meritocracy becomes, the more it opens the
door to populist resentment and revolt. Pitched primarily to
scholars and postgraduate students in political theory, comparative
politics, Asian studies, and political sociology, this book fills
an important scholarly gap.
Prominent studies and opinion polls often claim that young people
are disengaged from political institutions, distrustful of
politicians, and disillusioned about democracy. Young People,
Citizenship and Political Participation challenges these political
stereotypes by asking whether young people have been contributing
to or rectifying our civic deficit. In particular, it examines the
role of civics education in addressing the so-called crisis of
democracy. Turning away from conventional suggestions often
advocated by politicians and educators that offer civics education
as the solution, the book advances an alternate approach to civics
- one that acknowledges the increasingly diverse ways in which
young people are both engaging and disengaging politically.
Prominent studies and opinion polls often claim that young people
are disengaged from political institutions, distrustful of
politicians, and disillusioned about democracy. Young People,
Citizenship and Political Participation challenges these political
stereotypes by asking whether young people have been contributing
to or rectifying our civic deficit. In particular, it examines the
role of civics education in addressing the so-called crisis of
democracy. Turning away from conventional suggestions often
advocated by politicians and educators that offer civics education
as the solution, the book advances an alternate approach to civics
- one that acknowledges the increasingly diverse ways in which
young people are both engaging and disengaging politically.
This engaging work tells the story of democracy through the
perspective of tragic drama. It shows how the ancient tales of
greatness and its loss point to the potential dangers of democracy
then and now. Greek Tragedy dramatized a variety of stories,
characters, and voices drawn from reality, especially from those
marginalized by Athens's democracy. It brought up dissident figures
through its multivocal form, disrupting the perception of an
ordered reality. Today, this helps us grasp the reality of Athenian
democracy, that is, a system steeped in patriarchy, slavery,
warmongering, and xenophobia. The book reads through two renditions
of Aeschylus' "Suppliants "as democratic texts for the twenty-first
century, to show how such multivocal dramas actually address not
only the pitfalls of our contemporary democracy, but also a range
of environmental, security, socio-economic, and political dilemmas
that afflict democratic politics today.Written in a very accessible
manner, "Greek Tragedy and Contemporary Democracy" is a lively book
that will appeal to any political science and international
relations student interested in issues of democracy, governance,
democratic peace, and democratic theory.
By their very nature, all democracies have the potential to destroy
themselves. But this fact is too rarely documented by acolytles of
the system. In the decades since Joseph Goebbels, then Reich
Minister of Propaganda, reminded the world that it 'will always
remain one of the best jokes of democracy, that it gave its deadly
enemies the means by which it was destroyed', democrats have
quickly forgotten just how precarious a political framework it can
be.
Using the collapse of democracy in ancient Athens and the Weimar
Republic, as well as the uncertain fate of democratic rule in the
United States and China today as illustrative examples, Mark Chou
examines the conditions and characteristics of democracy that make
it prone to self-destruct. In drawing out the political lessons
from these past collapses, he explains how a democracy can, simply
by being democratic, sow the seeds of its own destruction.
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